Fear Factor: Letting a Jury Decide Your Case
What drives the settlement of all cases involving personal injuries and even those opponent-neutral disputes between commercial competitors?
Fear of juries, of course.
Juries are the "better" (or "worse") alternatives to negotiated agreements that mediators talk about when they throw around the acronyms BATNA or WATNA (see mediator Jessica Notini's excellent primer Effective Alternatives Analysis In Mediation: “BATNA/WATNA” Analysis Demystified).
The Elephant in the Settlement Room
Even though Adam Liptak's New York Times Select article, Oddity in Picking Jurors Opens Door to Racial Bias, concerns death penalty cases, the means of choosing the members of the final 12 (or six in federal court) also drives civil justice in America.
The referenced "oddity" in American trial law? The peremptory challenge that permits lawyers to exercise more or less control over the final composition of the jury than some believe is warranted in an aspirationally color-blind justice system. As Adam Liptak reports,
Justice Thurgood Marshall wrote that . . . . “peremptories inject [racial discrimination] into the jury selection process[, the elimination of which] . . . “can be accomplished only by eliminating peremptory challenges entirely.”
Two years ago, in the Miller-El case, writes Liptak, "Justice Stephen G. Breyer appeared to endorse that view, saying that “peremptory challenges seem increasingly anomalous in our judicial system[,]” writing that
England has eliminated peremptory challenges but “continues to administer fair trials based largely on random jury selection.
Liptak concludes by suggesting that
Peremptory strikes are an odd and arbitrary historical artifact. Unlike equal protection, they are not guaranteed by the Constitution, and in capital cases — where race matters most — they would not be missed.
The settlement angle on this? You can see it coming.
In American urban courtrooms throughout the country, settlement decisions are commonly based upon the probable racial, ethnic, gender, and socio-economic composition of a jury that will eventually give their thumbs up or down on the Plaintiff's case. If settlement decisions are governed by audacity on the Plaintiffs' side and fear on the defense side, both are often pinned upon the presumed "passion and prejudice" the "have nots" will bring to decisions affecting the "haves."
And as the gulf between these two groups widens, the fear on the defense side has become more palpable. *
Is this any way to run a justice system in a racially polarized society?
The White Reaction to the Black Reaction to the O.J. Verdict
We talk about "race cards" in this country because of the O.J. Verdict. It wasn't so much the result of the O.J. trial that shocked America, as it was was the white reaction to the black reaction to the verdict.
As Harvard Professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr. wrote in the aftermath of that trial (Thirteen ways of looking at a black man’ (23 October 1995), the phrase
’ “race card” … itself infuriates many blacks. [Federal Appellate Court] Judge Leon Higginbotham Jr. . . .[said of] charges that Johnnie Cochran played the race card. “This whole point is one hundred per cent inaccurate. . . . If you knew that the most important witness had a history of racism and hostility against black people, that should have been a relevant factor of inquiry even if the jury had been all white .. .
[Academic and activist] Angela Davis [says] ... “Race is not a card,” she says firmly. “The whole case was pervaded with issues of race.” ’
Is Race a Card?
This is too big a question for this post. I grapple with this issue an upcoming article in the LaTrobe University Dispute Resolution Journal (Vol. No. 1, so you won't yet find it online) and will link to it when it is published.
Let's just say this. The jury is, as it was meant to be, a microcosm of the society. Though originally meant to be comprised of people who were witnesses or who could track down witnesses to directly learn about the events giving rise to the dispute, over time the jury became a presumably neutral body that would determine credibility, "find facts" and, with the Judge's instructions, apply the law to the facts the jury deems the more credible.
In analyzing the potential pre-trial settlement of an action, the attorneys consider everthing to be a potential "card." If the stakes are high enough, they hire jury consultants to advise them how to select a jury that favors their side because trial lawyers are advocates looking for a jury that will be prejudiced in their favor.
This is not news. It is the judge and the jury that are supposed to be neutral, not the trial attorneys. And if they can increase their chances of winning by leaving African Americans or Koreans or the marginally employed on a jury, they will do so. If it helps their case to use their peremptories to empty the jury box of women or Gen-X'ers or engineers or African-Americans, they will do that too.
And This Has What To Do with Settlement?
For a negotiated agreement to do the job of resolving the dispute in a better way than its alternative -- trial -- the parties and the mediator will have to grapple with the racial and ethnic and gender elephants in the room.
And it may just be that a mediator who is capable of setting aside his or her prejudices long enough to look past issues of race, ethnicity, nationality, obvious religious affiliation, and gender, might be the one who is most capable of helping the parties achieve something that resembles justice.
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* By the 1980s the United States had become the most unequal industrialised country in terms of wealth. The top 1% of wealth holders (the ‘Super Rich’) controlled 39% of total household wealth in the United States in 1989, compared to 26% in France in 1986, about 25% in Canada in 1984, 18% in Great Britain, and 16% in Sweden in 1986. More than 46% of all outstanding stock, over half of financial securities, trusts, and unincorporated businesses, and 40% of investment real estate belong to the super rich. The bottom 90% are responsible for 70% of the indebtedness of American households. Wolff, How the pie is sliced: America's growing concentration of wealth’ (1995) 22 The American Prospect 58.